Executive Action (1973)

PG | 91 or 110 mins | Drama | November 1973

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HISTORY

Some onscreen technical credits were partially illegible in the print viewed and were confirmed through contemporary sources. A written and spoken prologue opens the film and states, in part: "Before his death, former president Lyndon B. Johnson gave a three-hour filmed interview to a well-known television commentator... It has been revealed that in the censored section, Johnson had expressed ... that... he suspected that a conspiracy had been involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy." An additional written prologue appears after the opening credits: "Although much of this film is fiction, much of it is also based on documented historical fact. Did the conspiracy we describe actually exist? We do not know. We merely suggest that it could have existed."
       A written and spoken epilogue appearing just before the closing credits reads, in part: "In the three years after the murders of President Kennedy and Lee Harvey Oswald, eighteen material witnesses died... An actuary, engaged by the Sunday London Times concluded that on November 22, 1963, the odds against these witnesses being dead by February, 1967 were one hundred thousand trillion to one." Executive Action utilized footage of President John F. Kennedy in televised speeches, at various political events, with his children in the White House and his arrival, with wife Jacqueline, in Dallas on 22 Nov 1963. Other footage included that of Martin Luther King delivering a portion of the "I Have a Dream" speech made in Aug 1963 at the Washington Mall and United Nations Ambassador Adali Stevenson in Dallas. The nationally televised broadcast of Lee Harvey Oswald's shooting by Jack Ruby was also shown ...

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Some onscreen technical credits were partially illegible in the print viewed and were confirmed through contemporary sources. A written and spoken prologue opens the film and states, in part: "Before his death, former president Lyndon B. Johnson gave a three-hour filmed interview to a well-known television commentator... It has been revealed that in the censored section, Johnson had expressed ... that... he suspected that a conspiracy had been involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy." An additional written prologue appears after the opening credits: "Although much of this film is fiction, much of it is also based on documented historical fact. Did the conspiracy we describe actually exist? We do not know. We merely suggest that it could have existed."
       A written and spoken epilogue appearing just before the closing credits reads, in part: "In the three years after the murders of President Kennedy and Lee Harvey Oswald, eighteen material witnesses died... An actuary, engaged by the Sunday London Times concluded that on November 22, 1963, the odds against these witnesses being dead by February, 1967 were one hundred thousand trillion to one." Executive Action utilized footage of President John F. Kennedy in televised speeches, at various political events, with his children in the White House and his arrival, with wife Jacqueline, in Dallas on 22 Nov 1963. Other footage included that of Martin Luther King delivering a portion of the "I Have a Dream" speech made in Aug 1963 at the Washington Mall and United Nations Ambassador Adali Stevenson in Dallas. The nationally televised broadcast of Lee Harvey Oswald's shooting by Jack Ruby was also shown in it entirety.
       An Oct 1970 HR news item reported that Donald Sutherland and Jane Fonda might be teamed in a film titled Executive Action about the killing of a fictional U.S. president, but it is unclear if this news item referred to the film that was eventually released under that title. According to a Jun 1973 LAT article, there was little to no publicity for the filming of Executive Action, out of concern that the film's production might be blocked because of the controversial nature of its subject matter.
       In Nov 1973 writers Donald Freed and Mark Lane released a non-fiction book examining the Kennedy assassination under the title Executive Action: Assassination of a Head of State. A Nov 1973 DV article indicated that National General Pictures filed suit against New York television station WNBC for refusing to air an advertising spot for the film. The station objected to the image of the president in an open limousine being viewed through a rifle gun-sight. Stations in Los Angeles and Boston also rejected the spots. In Jan 1974, Dallas policeman Roy Vaughn filed suit against National General for three million dollars in damages for "character slurs" in Executive Action. In Sep 1974, as noted in a 26 Sep 1973 HR article, director David Miller and the Directors Guild of America filed suit against Millew Productions and producer Edward Lewis for failure to account to Miller his percentage claim of the film's profits. The outcome for these suits are undetermined. Executive Action marked the final film made by actor Robert Ryan (1907—1973), although a film he made earlier in 1973, The Outfit (see below) was not released until 1974.
       As reported in a LAT article, Executive Action was shot in and around Los Angeles. Although there had been numerous documentary films on the Kennedy assassination, including the 1964 David L. Wolper production Four Days in November (see below) and the 1967 Impact Film production Rush to Judgement (see below, based on the book by Mark Lane, who contributed to the story for Excutive Action), Executive Action was the first fictional film on the assassination and its subsequent controversy. The film takes issue with the conclusions drawn by the Warren Commission that Oswald acted completely alone in committing the assassination. The investigatory commission, established one week after the murder by new President Lyndon B. Johnson, released their findings in Sep 1964. Release of their report created immediate controversy over the commission’s methodology, omissions and lack of critical findings. By 1992, ninety-eight percent of the report had been made available to the public, and its findings continue to elicit controversy.

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SOURCE CITATIONS
SOURCE
DATE
PAGE
Box Office
19 Nov 1973
p. 4642
Daily Variety
8 Nov 1973
p. 1, 2
Hollywood Reporter
7 Nov 1973
p. 3, 9
Hollywood Reporter
20 Nov 1973
p. 1, 9
Hollywood Reporter
29 Jan 1974
pp. 1, 22
Hollywood Reporter
26 Sep 1974
---
Los Angeles Herald Examiner
9 Nov 1973
---
Los Angeles Times
12 Jun 1973
---
Los Angeles Times
7 Nov 1973
---
New York Times
8 Nov 1973
p. 60
New York Times
25 Nov 1973
Section II, p. 1
Variety
7 Nov 1973
p. 19
CAST
PRODUCTION CREDITS
NAME
PARENT COMPANY
NAME
CREDITED AS
CREDIT
DIRECTOR
PRODUCERS
Co-prod
Co-prod
WRITERS
Story
Story
PHOTOGRAPHY
Dir of photog
Cam op
Gaffer
Key grip
Still photog
ART DIRECTORS
Art dir
Graphics
FILM EDITORS
Assoc ed
Assoc ed
Documentary ed
Asst ed
SET DECORATOR
Prop master
COSTUMES
MUSIC
Mus ed
SOUND
Bruce Bezance
Sd
Supv sd ed
Sd ed
VISUAL EFFECTS
Title des
MAKEUP
Makeup
Makeup
PRODUCTION MISC
Prod mgr
Scr supv
Dial dir
Assoc to the prod
Assoc to the prod
Casting consultant
Casting consultant
Casting dir
Prod coord
Prod coord
Tech consultant
Asst to the prod
Research
Research
Research
Research
Research
Research
Research
Research
DETAILS
Release Date:
November 1973
Premiere Information:
New York and Los Angeles opening: 7 Nov 1973
Production Date:
Jun--Jul 1973
Physical Properties:
Sound
Color
Duration(in mins):
91 or 110
MPAA Rating:
PG
Country:
United States
Language:
English
SYNOPSIS

In June 1963, several men, including former intelligence operative James Farrington, Professor Paulitz, Mr. Smythe and Mr. Halliday, meet at the home of wealthy Robert Foster in hopes of convincing oil magnate Harold Ferguson to financially support their political conspiracy to assassinate President John F. Kennedy. Paulitz describes the left-leaning politics of the Kennedy family and the Democratic coalition that appears poised to secure the presidential election the following year. Ferguson scoffs at this prognosis, pointing out that Kennedy has appointed numerous Republicans to key government positions, that his brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, once worked for right-wing anti-Communist Joseph McCarthy and that the family patriarch, Joseph Kennedy, is more conservative than any of the men in the room. Undaunted, Paulitz states that President Kennedy is moving farther to the left politically and predicts that within a short time three major events will occur to confirm this dangerous shift: first, Kennedy will declare support for civil rights for blacks, then he will pass a nuclear test-ban treaty with the Soviet Union and, finally, he will approve the withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam, leaving it to fall to Communism. Farrington then outlines the assassination plan to Ferguson, explaining that, unlike in Europe, where assassinations are accepted as political conspiracies, in America they are committed by individual fanatics willing to die for their cause. Knowing no professional hit men will agree to self-sacrifice, Farrington has concluded that the best manner of striking is to frame a lone assassin with credible motives for the murder while the actual assault will be done using professional marksmen. Farrington’s intelligence has also surmised that the best chance for ...

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In June 1963, several men, including former intelligence operative James Farrington, Professor Paulitz, Mr. Smythe and Mr. Halliday, meet at the home of wealthy Robert Foster in hopes of convincing oil magnate Harold Ferguson to financially support their political conspiracy to assassinate President John F. Kennedy. Paulitz describes the left-leaning politics of the Kennedy family and the Democratic coalition that appears poised to secure the presidential election the following year. Ferguson scoffs at this prognosis, pointing out that Kennedy has appointed numerous Republicans to key government positions, that his brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, once worked for right-wing anti-Communist Joseph McCarthy and that the family patriarch, Joseph Kennedy, is more conservative than any of the men in the room. Undaunted, Paulitz states that President Kennedy is moving farther to the left politically and predicts that within a short time three major events will occur to confirm this dangerous shift: first, Kennedy will declare support for civil rights for blacks, then he will pass a nuclear test-ban treaty with the Soviet Union and, finally, he will approve the withdrawal of American troops from Vietnam, leaving it to fall to Communism. Farrington then outlines the assassination plan to Ferguson, explaining that, unlike in Europe, where assassinations are accepted as political conspiracies, in America they are committed by individual fanatics willing to die for their cause. Knowing no professional hit men will agree to self-sacrifice, Farrington has concluded that the best manner of striking is to frame a lone assassin with credible motives for the murder while the actual assault will be done using professional marksmen. Farrington’s intelligence has also surmised that the best chance for success would be to act during a motorcade, because they are always planned well in advance, allow for firing from three angles under cover and provide clean escapes during the following confusion. When Ferguson inquires about the identity of the expert marksmen, Smythe indicates that several anti-Castro covert agents were fired after the Bay of Pigs debacle and are eager for the assignment. Farrington then states that he has two groups of three men, practicing in the field for a motorcade-style hit. Over lunch, Smythe, Halliday and Farrington answer Ferguson’s questions about Secret Service involvement, with Farrington pointing out that American presidents are traditionally the least protected of all world leaders. In addition, the plan will take advantage of the long history of hostility between the FBI and CIA and the increasing use of private security contractors who have no political allegiance. After receiving a phone call, Foster relates that Kennedy has confirmed he will travel to Texas that November to curry votes for next year’s election and recommends using Dallas for the hit. When Ferguson remains uncommitted, Farrington assures him that they would not have gone so far in planning had it been possible to discredit Kennedy in any other way, but Ferguson recommends that the group wait. Over the next several weeks, Farrington proceeds with the plan and, after reviewing the results from the contracted marksmen, selects Team A. Meanwhile, Ferguson grows increasingly uneasy following news reports of Kennedy reaching an accord with the Soviet Union and supporting civil rights. Some time later, Farrington meets with Foster to relate that ex-Marine, pro-Soviet sympathizer and volatile activist Lee Harvey Oswald has proven the ideal candidate to set up for the assassination. Not only will Oswald’s own private and political actions be suspect, but a look-alike double will place himself in conspicuous positions around Dallas and make sure Oswald’s name is mentioned. In August, Ferguson is dismayed when Kennedy signs a test-ban treaty with the Soviets, yet by September, continues to remain uncommitted. Undaunted, Farrington and Foster continue establishing suspicious movements for Oswald and hope that Kennedy’s own actions will finally convince Ferguson. Team A travels to Montana where, using special telephoto lenses that mimic a rifle sight, photograph Kennedy in an open car motorcade and make three successful “hits.” The Team then meets with Farrington, who presents them with route options the motorcade might take in Dallas. The route most suspected to be used will take them through Dealey Plaza, which will force the car to slow down to fifteen miles per hour as well as provide a perfect “triangle” set-up preferred by the marksmen. In October, Oswald’s double takes a job at the Book Depository overlooking Dealey Plaza. As November approaches, Foster contacts Farrington to tell him that Ferguson must be committed no later than a week before the 22 November Dallas visit. When Kennedy delivers a speech indicating his intention to withdraw American troops from Vietnam and all of Southeast Asia by 1968, Ferguson contacts Foster with his approval. Waiting in a Texas hotel, the Team A leader receives a coded message informing him that the mission has been approved. Members of the Team then secretly break into Oswald’s garage to steal the aged, surplus, Italian military rifle that he ordered through the mail several weeks earlier using an alias. After United Nations ambassador Adlai Stevenson visits Texas to a score of protests and accusations of being a Communist sympathizer, news reports state that Stevenson will advise Kennedy against visiting the hostile state, but the trip remains confirmed. Just days before the president’s arrival, the motorcade route is approved and publicized and Foster reports to Farrington that intelligence has not noted that a pro-Communist, Oswald, is working in the Book Depository. On 22 November, the carefully orchestrated plot goes exactly as planned and President Kennedy is mortally wounded in Dealey Plaza. The complex plans for Team A to make its escape are assisted by a brief, triggered news blackout in Washington, allowing the hit men to leave the country just as the president’s death is announced from Parkland Memorial Hospital. Oswald is arrested and taken into police custody where he is interrogated. Nightclub owner Jack Ruby, deeply affected by the president’s death, is approached by one of Farrington’s men. Two days later as Oswald is being transferred, Ruby shoots him, the attack captured on live television. As the police publicly announce they believe Oswald was the sole assassin, Foster plays pool with Paulitz and Halliday and assures the men that Robert Kennedy is too grief-stricken to investigate the killing just now. Later, Foster receives a phone call that Farrington has had a heart attack at Park Memorial Hospital.

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Legend
Viewed by AFI
Partially Viewed
Offscreen Credit
Name Occurs Before Title
AFI Life Achievement Award

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